Discussing some of the people who have been an influence on her, Melinda mentioned her aunt. Her assertiveness reflects a transformed society in which educated women in Melanesia can choose to focus on work rather than domestic lives, as well as whether or not they want to share these lives with a partner. Perhaps surprisingly given the strength of her above statements, Melinda has a partner.
But her description of her relationship, like those described by a of the other young women I have met, strongly reflects the ideal of gender harmony as emphasised among educated and urban-dwelling Melanesians see Cox and Macintyre ; Hirsch and Wardlow eds Drawing on interviews with young women in Port Moresby, PNG, and Port Vila, Vanuatu, I explore the perspectives of women who are successfully negotiating intimate partnerships and family life, including in some cases as single mothers for discussion of other work emerging from this research see Spark and Corbett This perspective reveals the decreasing ificance of kin networks and the increasing influence of individualism and ideas of gender equity and personal fulfilment on attitudes to marriage.
I also show how their social connections with one another and ongoing support from their families of origin are allowing them new forms of urban belonging that unsettle both masculine domination of these spaces and traditional constructions of gender. The emphasis in this paper is on educated urban women and space is critical in conditioning their social experience.
Building on the work of others Jolly ; Macintyre; Zimmer-Tamakoshi a, b,my rationale for this was that educated urban women were constructed as outsiders Papua new guinea dating and marriage their own societies.
Discussing young, unmarried women in Port Vila, Cummings writes that they:. My recent conversations with women in Port Moresby suggest that educated urban women feel more at home in the urban centres of Melanesia than they have ly. The increasing prevalence of representations of femininity, such as those portrayed in the PNG magazines, Stella and Lily Spark a,and the ongoing influence of human rights discourses emphasising gender equality, are giving rise to new, more globally focused versions of femininity in which being educated, employed and having the capacity to consume matter more than the familial affiliations and associated productivity created through marriage.
Where once isolation, harassment and embattlement were the norm particularly for single women living in Port Moresby Johnsonthese experiences are now offset by opportunities to enter and enjoy parts of the city without being accompanied by men. With these more positive or at least ambivalent possibilities in mind, in this chapter I take a more optimistic perspective than I have ly, arguing that some among the educated urban cohort of women I discuss are experiencing positive agency of a kind hitherto unimaginable in Melanesia.
In the rural contexts of Melanesia, the kin networks and social systems that have historically supported women have been and continue to be eroded as men leave to pursue wage labour.
Rural women in PNG can and do demonstrate a desire to position themselves outside the marriage system. However, they have varying degrees of success in doing so, with many seeking eventually to reintegrate themselves into their families and communities because of the high price and precarity of their autonomy Wardlow ; see also Jolly et al.
All of them chafed under the restrictions they had decided to reimpose upon themselves, but all of them wanted to relinquish their former way of life for the security of being known as a wali ore good or proper woman Wardlow Educated and employed women living in the urban centres of Port Moresby and Port Vila are aware that they inhabit Christian communities and are not immune from the criticism to which they can be subject when they make unconventional choices about relationships and family.
Indeed, it would appear that in urban centres, ideas about what makes a good woman are now starting to echo those about what makes a good man—namely, someone who supports their family and helps to steer those with limited education.
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Consequently, in the cities of Port Vila and Port Moresby, the experience of belonging thus seems to be becoming less about gender and marital status than the capacity to earn money. This belonging is circumscribed by security challenges, but security is also mediated by income, including, most ificantly, whether or not women can afford a car, an objective that was a high priority among those I spoke with, especially in Port Moresby.
While this remains true for many urban women in Port Moresby and Port Vila, there are an increasing of women who are more likely to bring home the bacon and give it to someone else to fry. Or, as I am investigating in another paper, to leave home and go out to eat at one of the increasing of venues on offer in these rapidly transforming urban centres.
These are: having money, peer support and family support.
Before doing so, it is necessary to discuss the research method and participants. Not long ago, this two-country approach would have been decried on the basis that it collapses contexts and cultures. However, the forces that have restructured life and the institution of marriage in the Oceanic region have given rise to pan-Pacific revisions of male—female partnerships that make it fitting to discuss these two contexts in parallel Marksbury Across the two countries, I interviewed 52 women.
Participants were between the ages of 20 and 35 years at the time of interview with the majority being in their late 20s or early 30s.
Most had grown up in urban areas and the majority had completed at least one undergraduate degree, with some having also completed postgraduate studies. In the case of some of the Papua New Guinean women discussed here, I had, at the time of writing, interviewed them twice, once in and again in Those who took part reside in the urban capitals of their respective countries and were employed at the time of interview, the majority in professional roles reflecting their tertiary qualifications.
I have used pseudonyms to ensure anonymity. research on attitudes to intimate relationships in Melanesia has noted profound differences between the sexes. Other research conducted in the s and s reveals ificant differences by sex in relation to reasons for marriage. Summarising the differences between men and women, Rosi and Zimmer-Tamakoshi write:. On the whole, women wanted more supportive, egalitarian, and Westernized relationships while men expected more submissiveness out of their educated wives than was usually the case.
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This dissonance is matched by an increasing of educated Papua New Guinean women who choose to marry non-Papua New Guinean husbands … or to engage in de facto relationships that do not bind the woman into a desperate marital situation — She writes:. In addition to the changing roles of women, new ideas of being a man complement and challenge the old ideas of maleness.
NGO campaigns advocating for the eradication of violence against women portray the non-violent unaggressive man as the ideal type. Priests and pastors who urge their congregations to adhere to Christian principles of love and respect also espouse similar notions and ideals from the pulpit ibid. While most of the women I spoke to identify as Christian, several indicated that they no longer attend church. A minority even suggested somewhat sheepishly that their Christianity was more a remnant influence from their childhoods than an active and ongoing part of their lives.
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Nevertheless, whether they were strong, practising Christians or not, among this cohort, there is a general consensus that Christianity promotes gender equity rather than female subordination Hermkens Moreover, in situations where women had experienced difficulties in an intimate relationship, none expressed misgivings about not remaining in the relationship on the basis that they perceived this to be their Christian duty. Rather, they were more likely to construct their partners as having failed in their Christian duties if they had been unfaithful, tended to drink too much or be violent.
When we met inMelissa was 26 and the single mother of a three-year-old girl.
Though Melissa had initially had concerns about whether Jonah would care for her first daughter who was not his biological child, she had found him to be consistently supportive and loving to both herself and their children. When she became pregnant to her first partner, Melissa was a student.
Inshe described her situation:. In addition to paying for the food, Melissa cooked for between 10 and 20 people each night. Melissa also found a new job working for a large multinational. As part of her employment, Melissa was about to take part in a three-month training program in Australia while Jonah assumed responsibility for their daughters in PNG.
I mean we have our challenges.
Elizabeth works in a demanding role at an international organisation in Port Vila and said her husband frequently takes care of their children, makes dinner and drops her at the airport when she leaves for work-related travel. Partner support for women to pursue tertiary studies overseas also appears to be becoming more common among educated urban couples.
While writing this paper, I received an from a year-old Papua New Guinean woman studying in Australia. She wrote:.
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You know how I was telling you about my friend Ruth, well, she is here studying and her husband is back home in PNG taking care of their two. Anyway when I first met her I thought she was very lucky to have a husband who allowed her to come study here for two years.
So in my bias [ sic ] thinking, I thought hers is one of those rare cases you know to have an understanding PNG husband. And while I was on the bus getting here, I saw on FB [Facebook] my older cousin posting about how her husband is taking care of their three kids while she is working somewhere in Hagen.
So yeah just thinking PNG men some of them must be progressing still slow but at least they are moving personal correspondence, Bernadette, May When I met her, Elizabeth testified that this seemingly extraordinary reversal of gender roles is becoming increasingly common among her peers and co-workers:.
I earn maybe two or three times more than my husband. I definitely am the breadwinner in the house interview, Elizabeth, aged 33, Port Vila, May Her statement explicitly links earning capacity with the kinds of relationships employed urban women are able to negotiate—and to terminate.
At the age of 21, Ruby, now a year-old woman who lives in Port Vila, became pregnant outside marriage to a man who offered no financial or emotional support to either her or their son. Her partner was also unfaithful and controlling, making her work and home life difficult by constantly harassing her. When I spoke with her inshe described this time:.
At one time I remember he tore my clothes in front of my family and everyone in the same neighbourhood. He was really destroying my life interview, Ruby, aged 34, Port Vila, May After three years of enduring this burdensome relationship, Ruby summoned the courage to end it. Commenting on this decision, she said:. I can do anything cause I have good money.
Having separated from this partner, Ruby commenced a new relationship with her current partner who supports her career and with whom she shares domestic duties. Ruby also stressed the importance of maintaining equity in relation to domestic duties and childcare. She now has a second child with her new partner and they share housekeeping duties and care for their two children, something that Ruby emphasised is important for her children to witness.
Wendy is a year-old mother of two who was raised by educated parents and grew up in Port Vila. While trying to juggle her studies alongside the demands of being a single parent, Wendy relied on her family to assist with childcare for her young daughter because the father of her daughter was not committed to the relationship and was violent and abusive. The role of the women in the organisation in which Wendy works is notable, serving as a powerful example of the ways in which other women can provide ificant impetus and support for women to navigate new pathways to wider social change Kabeer Discussing her workplace, Wendy said:.
When I came here I found the environment here is different. Because you know how when you havepeople expect you to be with the father of the child and so when I came here I saw that the staff here they have a totally different view of me. So that sort of empowered me, it empowered me and so I stayed and volunteered and continued my studies interview, Wendy, aged 31, Port Vila, May Their acceptance and support of Wendy gave her the positive social affiliations that help women to rethink abusive relationships.
And so the fact that I told him to go and be with his family and I can manage myself and my children without him got him thinking. I just told him to get out.
In the city and when women are earning money, families are less likely to have a stake in maintaining a marriage, thus opening up a space for friends, co-workers and peers to offer their counter perspectives. When we met in Port Moresby inMary Jane was 25 years old and engaged to be married to her partner of two years.
Byshe was single, having been separated from her partner since because of his violence towards her. After being hit by her partner, Mary Jane told him:. Enough, stop it, leave me alone, move on. Like I stayed away from my friends for like a month or two, no contact or nothing, so it was good to have a little bit of my life back, cause I told him, for me personally, my life is not just you and me and your family, no. Encapsulating the increasing importance of voluntary associations, networks, contacts and friendships and the declining ificance of kin consciousness Ward in contemporary Melanesia, she gives voice to a perspective that is increasingly common among young urban women in Melanesia.
Sarah, an articulate year-old single mother of two who lives in Port Vila, also spoke about the importance of support from like-minded women.